O campo da política habitacional no último desmanche: ocupações, movimentos sociais e ativismo identitário

Detalhes bibliográficos
Ano de defesa: 2023
Autor(a) principal: Breda, Thalles Vichiato
Orientador(a): Georges, Isabel Pauline Hildegard lattes
Banca de defesa: Não Informado pela instituição
Tipo de documento: Tese
Tipo de acesso: Acesso aberto
Idioma: por
Instituição de defesa: Universidade Federal de São Carlos
Câmpus São Carlos
Programa de Pós-Graduação: Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia - PPGS
Departamento: Não Informado pela instituição
País: Não Informado pela instituição
Palavras-chave em Português:
Palavras-chave em Inglês:
Área do conhecimento CNPq:
Link de acesso: https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/20.500.14289/19944
Resumo: This thesis aims to understand the changes in the field of Brazilian housing policy in the context of the “last dismantling”, between 2013 and 2022. It seeks to map the shifts between the conjuncture produced by the Workers' Party governments, from 2003 to 2016; and the post-coup conjuncture, between May 2016 and 2022, represented by the governments of Michel Temer and Jair Bolsonaro. The specific objectives are to understand (a) the normative and programmatic framework in the field of institutional housing policy in the post-coup period, and (b) the forms of claim by those who have no part, i.e. organized civil society, social movements, political parties, among other actors, in the struggle for access to housing and land. The hypothesis of this research is that these milestones have updated the ways in which territories of poverty are produced, the dispute over urban space, the relationship with the state and different actors, and the very concept of social housing developed during Lulism. The methodology used was based on the analysis of documents and laws; a bibliographical review; participant observation; and multi-sited and multi-scalar ethnography. Empirically, we started by analyzing the cycle of occupations in the city of São Carlos, which began in 2014 and, based on the threads tied together in the “In search of a dream” occupation, we followed the Movement of Homeless Workers (MTST) in the metropolitan region of São Paulo, through my entry into the MTST's School of Grassroots Work in 2023. Some results can be pointed out. The dismantling of institutional mechanisms for access to housing represented by the PMCMV and the June 2013 Journeys, combined with the coup d'état in 2016, paved the way for a “new urban activism”, made up of a set of collectives, networks of social movements, occupation practices aimed at fighting for the right to the city and the right to life itself. This means the production of a new constellation of initiatives, the broadening of a repertoire of struggles and forms of organization, on a new scale of action. In the context of the overlapping of conservative governments with the pandemic scenario, “emergency struggles” were established due to the historical demotion in the conditions of social reproduction. Access to housing was replaced by access to partially urbanized land. Occupations took center stage and gained new contours. The normative framework proposed for the housing field operates through a gray zone, opening the way for different non-institutional actors to act in the housing field. The actors analyzed were social movements, political parties, technical assistance, the evangelical church and organized crime. Against this backdrop, social movements in the last decade, especially the MTST, have increasingly taken up social demands, both in the field of minority rights and in the field of sustainability, labor rights, etc. Identity politics has played an important role within this urban activism, through the identity construction of a “new” historical subject of legitimate social transformation - the peripheral subject with plural demands - which slowly seems to replace the proletarian. These modulations are producing a moral market in identities. The MTST has positioned itself as an important political actor from the vacuum produced by other collective organizations, such as the trade union, and operates an arrangement between the peripheral population and the progressive sectors of the middle class, in which the conflict is reterritorialized from the urban peripheries.