O sândi em italiano na frase fonológica reestruturada

• Ano de defesa: 2011
• Autor(a) principal: Hogetop, Denise Nauderer
• Orientador(a): Bisol, Leda
• Tipo de documento: Tese
• Tipo de acesso: Acesso aberto
• Idioma: por
• Instituição de defesa: Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul; Porto Alegre
• Palavras-chave em Português: LINGUÍSTICA ITALIANA; LINGUÍSTICA PORTUGUESA; FONOLOGIA; MORFOLOGIA; PROSÓDIA
• Link de acesso: http://hdl.handle.net/10923/4061

This study presents an analysis of the external sandhi rules in Italian. According to Bisol (1996a, 1996b, 2003), the sandhi resyillabification is a process which occurs at the juncture of two lexical items, motivated by the shock of syllabic nuclei. The deletion of one syllable results in floating elements, which are prosodically licensed, generate sandhi phenomena: degemination, elision and diphthongization. The aspects to be examined are: the role of the phonological phrase main stress and the role of morphology in the process. In Italian diphthongization, elision and degemination freely occur when the two vowels are unstressed, but faces two obstacles: the frasal main stress and plural morpheme. This study shows that the blocking of sandhi is not the word stress, but the phrasal stress. Therefore, this study is limited to the words borders within the phonological phrase. In Italian, the sandhi phenomena were objects of studies Nespor (1987, 1990, 1993) and Nespor and Vogel (1982, 1986) in light of the Prosodic Theory and Garrapa (2006, 2007) in light of the Optimality Theory. In Brazilian Portuguese, sandhi phenomena were studied by Sousa da Silveira (1971), Bisol (1996a, 1996b, 2003), Tenani (2002), among others. This work is based on principles of Prosodic Theory and the Theory of Optimality. The first specifically defines the domain of phonological phrase and the second provides a set of constraints, among them those named Faithfulness, that control the relationship between input and output and those named Markedness that refer to the proper formation of the output. To account for these results, we need the local conjunction proposed by Bisol (2003) for Brazilian Portuguese, which is responsible for controlling the sandhi at word limits, where the second vowel carries the phrasal stress and the constraint MaxMorphPl to control the role of the Italian plural morphology. We argue that the interaction between phonological and morphological constraints is responsible for mapping the results in the Italian language.